Essay Topics
Types of Essays
Essay Checklist
Word Counter
Readability Score
Essay Rewriter
The majority of poor people are those who experience chronic -- and even multigenerational -- poverty (Iceland, 2003). In the United States many of the chronically poor live in urban environments. These environments, characterized by high concentrations of poor high concentrations of people of color and concentrated disadvantage, have been characterized as areas of moral as well as economic failure. In this paper, I will contend that conditions in these regions serve to hold individuals in poverty and to perpetuate multigenerational poverty through diminished human capital and reduced social capital. Human capital is defined as the skills and abilities that enable an individual to behave in a manner that is successful in his or her environment. Social capital is the relationships between individuals that facilitate action (Coleman, 1988). The combination of the two allows some individuals and communities to make use of opportunities and to organize for positive change. The absence of either isolates individuals from opportunity or makes them unable to take advantage of opportunities to which they are exposed. Racial Segregation and Poverty It is impossible to discuss urban poverty without discussing race. Black and Latino Americans are disproportionately poor. While 10.6% of White Americans are poor, according to the U.S. Census, 24.4% of Black Americans and 21.5% of Latino Americans are poor. Wilson (1987) argues that the effects of living in economically isolated areas outweighed the effects of living in racially isolated areas for African-Americans. Isolation from employment opportunities and employed role models, he argues, has left poor black communities effectively shut off form participation in the economy. Further, he argues, negative stereotypes of poor minorities hinder the employment opportunities of all minorities from the same neighborhood. Massey counters that the limited mobility of African-Americans placed them at a significant disadvantage with respect to the effects of living in areas of concentrated disadvantage (Massey, Condran and Denton, 1987; Massey, 1996). Because of a history of housing discrimination, blacks are the most racially segregated group in the United States. As a result, when poverty rates rose during the 1970's and 1980's, due to structural changes in the economy, the brunt of that poverty was born in predominantly black neighborhoods. Second, because of increasing class segregation, the brunt of all unemployment was felt in neighborhoods that were both predominantly black and predominantly poor (Massey, 1996). The effects of concentrated poverty are magnified in minority children. Black and Latinos are more likely to live in predominantly poor areas. As a result, 30% of all Latino and 40% of all Black children attend schools that are between 70% and 100% poor while 6% of white children attend schools that are more than 70% poor (Center for Cities and Schools). The effects of being educated in schools that are both racially and economically segregated are overwhelmingly negative. Children in racially and segregated schools tend to have worse educational outcomes than other students and are more likely to be suspended or expelled or to drop out before graduation. Failure to complete school contributes to a lifelong lack of human capital (Coleman, 1988) both for the individual and his or her community. The result is that urban neighborhoods that are both high-minority and high-poverty are populated by individuals who are not prepared educationally to compete in our knowledge-based economy. Urban enclaves of poverty are limited in their economic growth because individuals in the community suffer from lack of human capital in the form of education and socialization that would allow them to compete in the mainstream American economy. Furthermore, it has been posited, and challenged, that these communities suffer from a lack of social capital. Social Capital and the Individual While close ties sustain us, the ties that lead to economic change are the loosest ones. It is the individuals on the very periphery of our personal networks who have access to information or opportunity that we could not otherwise have known about. Lack of access to bridging social capital, social connections to resources outside of the immediate community, may hinder the efforts of residents of enclaves of poverty (Granovetter, 1983; Williams, 2001; Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Woolcock and Narayan distinguish between bonding social capital, which is based on networks of peers and which the poor can leverage to "get by" and bridging social capital, connections of the non-poor that they can use to "get ahead" (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Granovetter has argued that economic development takes place when individuals draw first on their close relationships and then participate in the networks that transcend their community, thereby accessing information and resources not immediately available in their network (Granovetter, 1983, 1995). Residents of enclaves in which few members work are isolated from employment opportunities leading to continued joblessness in the community. Because of the isolation of urban enclaves of poverty, weak ties are few. Neighborhoods of Concentrated Disadvantage In developing nations, poverty is often geographically bounded, rooted in locations that are poor in resources. In the United States, poverty exists in close proximity to wealth and abundant resources. As a result, poverty is viewed as an individual failure and often blamed on lack of industriousness or poor values and attitudes (Jones & Luo, 1999; Seccombe, 2000). In our cities, poverty tends to concentrate in areas of concentrated disadvantage. Massey (1996) and Wilson (1987), among other sociologists, have argued that the twentieth century was characterized by increasing urbanization and increasing concentrations of the poor within the urban population. Furthermore, they argue that the affluent and the non-affluent have become more segregated geographically. Wilson ties these areas of concentrated poverty to high levels of joblessness, social disorganization and crime. Some researchers have posited that areas where the poor are concentrated, and where disorganization and decay are evident, come to embody characteristics that encourage poverty among their residents. Neighborhoods have been examined both as social networks where geographical proximity creates interpersonal ties and as geographical areas in which elements of human capital such as income and education can be measured, and finally as ecologies where the presence of resources, such as health care providers and schools and the presence of challenges such as crime can be quantified. In 1969, Moynihan accused neighborhoods with large numbers of minorities and people living in poverty of fostering pathological family structures which through absentee fathers and reduced opportunities led to increased crime and decreased participation in the workforce (Moynihan, 1965). Moynihan argued that housing segregation forced all African-Americans to live in close proximity to poverty, whether or not they were poor leading to negative outcomes for all African-Americans. Moynihan's analysis was widely dismisses as racist. However, 20 years later, Wilson revived the conversation, arguing that certain neighborhoods isolated individuals from economic opportunity while breeding a culture of disassociation from work and furthermore that African-Americans were disproportionately represented in these areas. More recently, McWhorter responded that these areas bred cultures of hostility and deliberate segregation from mainstream America that excluded residents from economic possibilities (McWhorter, 2005) In the 1960's and 70's, and again in mid to late 1990's, the neighborhood was examined as a significant area of analysis in social research aimed at determining what characteristics of an environment made a place more or less healthy to live in, particularly for young people (Sampson, R.J. et al, 2002). In this context, the neighborhood has been examined as ecology, providing resources and exerting social pressures. Neighborhood research in the late 1990's was inspired partly by William Julius Wilson's (1987) work in which he contended that the structural elements of the neighborhood, particularly the geographical and social isolation of the poor, served to perpetuate poverty and joblessness (Sampson, R.J. et al, 2002). As such, research on neighborhood effects has tended to focus on concentrations of poverty and the concomitant behaviors and problems that accompany it, including increased school dropout, crime and problems of mental and physical health. Neighborhood research is limited by ambiguity in defining a neighborhood and lack of quantitative data by neighborhood. Most studies have use census tracts as proxies for neighborhood because of the availability of demographic data and police precincts in the case of data pertaining to crime (Robert J Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002). However research has indicated that natural boundaries such as busy streets are more significant in determining racial makeup and social interaction in a community (Grannis, 1998). Thus census tract data which does not comply to the ways the residents understand their neighborhoods may understate the level of economic and racial segregation that urban residents experience. Since the 1970's, America's poverty has become more concentrated in the inner city, particularly among African-Americans and Latinos. (Massey, 1996; Massey & Eggers, 1990; Wilson, 1987) In 1970, 55% of central-city poor people lived in a neighborhood that was poor (where 20% of the population is poor) or very poor (one in which 40% of the population is poor). By 1990, the concentrations of poor individuals in poor neighborhoods had increased such that 69% of all central-city poor people lived in poor or very poor neighborhoods (Massey, 1996). This concentration is caused by the congregation of poor people in urban areas and the limitations on their mobility caused by economic limitations and racial segregation ((Massey, 1996). The effects of these communities on the residents are not only attributable to lack of money, but also to a web of social and ecological factors that are present in these communities. These factors include racially and economically isolated schools, over-representation of single-parent families and over-representation of jobless adults. Neighborhood Disorganization and Crime Neighborhoods that house significant numbers of poor and minorities are often perceived as being higher in crime and higher in markers of "disorganization". Several researchers have looked at the interrelationships between urban settings, poverty, crime and disorganization, exemplified by disordered behavior, such as public drinking or loitering, or disorganized physical landscapes including graffiti, dilapidated or abandoned housing and litter. These neighborhoods are typically compared to rural communities where income ranges are small, and communities are characterized by quiet, high levels of social contact between community members and lower rates of crime. Comparisons to suburban areas and enclaves of affluence are limited. Disorder can be seen as resulting form systemic factors. For example, lack of economic resources makes it difficult for a community to maintain public spaces, difficulty supporting local businesses leads to vacant storefronts, and concentrations of children and young people in single-parent families leads to challenges in providing adequate childcare and contributes to the appearance of young people in the streets. Disorder can also be seen as resulting from lack of agency on the part of the areas residents. Residents may lack the trust necessary to engage their neighbors, may lack confidence in their own efficacy to change the characteristics of their neighborhood. In this sense order can be seen as the ability of neighbors to organize to achieve shared public ends and to exert social control, that is the capacity of a social group to regulate itself according to shared principles and to realize shared goals (Robert J. Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999). In this sense, the physical appearance of these disadvantaged communities may be neither cause nor effect of the economic situation of its inhabitants, but a symptom of the same underlying alienation (Geis & Ross, 1998). Wilson and Kelling posit that public disorder encouraged crime by indicating that community members were indifferent to what happened in their neighborhood and unlikely to intervene or call police (Wilson and Kelling, 1982) while Massey (1996) contends that disorganization and violent crime are results of conditions of concentrated poverty. More simply, crimes of property may be the result of disparate economic failure, while violence may be the result of the psychological stress imposed by lack of resources and lack of personal efficacy. Although a symptom of the communities' challenges, decay and crime serve again to perpetuate them. The physical appearance and crime statistics associated with neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage actively discourage the entry of the middle class and therefore perpetuate the isolation of the residents, compound the effects of racially and economically segregated schools and hinder the formation of the type of social capital that leads to economic success. Conclusion No one factor explains all of the failures -- economic, infrastructure, and interpersonal - with which urban enclaves of poverty are associated. Instead, each perpetuates the others, reinforcing the lack of human and social capital that prevent the residents form participating successfully in the economic and social spheres. Furthermore, they perpetuate the conditions in the young, limiting their educational prospects, exposing them early to the stress of poverty and crime, and limiting their access to social capital. Thus, these ecologies encourage the perpetuation of poverty through generations.
Essay Writing Checklist
The following guidelines are designed to give students a checklist to use, whether they are revising individually or as part of a peer review team.
Introduction
  • Is the main idea (i.e., the writer's opinion of the story title) stated clearly?
  • Is the introductory paragraph interesting? Does it make the reader want to keep on reading?
Body Paragraph
  • Does each body paragraph have a clear topic sentence that is related to the main idea of the essay?
  • Does each body paragraph include specific information from the text(including quoted evidence from the text, if required by the instructor)that supports the topic sentence?
  • Is there a clear plan for the order of the body paragraphs (i.e., order of importance, chronology in the story, etc.)?
  • Does each body paragraph transition smoothly to the next?
Conclusion
  • Is the main idea of the essay restated in different words?
  • Are the supporting ideas summarized succinctly and clearly?
  • Is the concluding paragraph interesting? Does it leave an impression on the reader?
Overall Essay
  • Is any important material left unsaid?
  • Is any material repetitious and unnecessary?
  • Has the writer tried to incorporate "voice" in the essay so that it has his/her distinctive mark?
  • Are there changes needed in word choice, sentence length and structure, etc.?
  • Are the quotations (if required) properly cited?
  • Has the essay been proofread for spelling, punctuation, grammar, etc.?
  • Does the essay have an interesting and appropriate title?
The Urbanization of Poverty
Trending Essay Topics
Explore today's trending essay topics:
Reference
Feel free to use content on this page for your website, blog or paper we only ask that you reference content back to us. Use the following code to link this page:
Terms · Privacy · Contact
Essay Topics © 2019

The Urbanization Of Poverty

Words: 2054    Pages: 7    Paragraphs: 27    Sentences: 90    Read Time: 07:28
Highlight Text to add correction. Use an editor to spell check essay.
              The majority of poor people are those who experience chronic -- and even multigenerational -- poverty (Iceland, 2003). In the United States many of the chronically poor live in urban environments. These environments, characterized by high concentrations of poor high concentrations of people of color and concentrated disadvantage, have been characterized as areas of moral as well as economic failure.
              In this paper, I will contend that conditions in these regions serve to hold individuals in poverty and to perpetuate multigenerational poverty through diminished human capital and reduced social capital.
              Human capital is defined as the skills and abilities that enable an individual to behave in a manner that is successful in his or her environment. Social capital is the relationships between individuals that facilitate action (Coleman, 1988). The combination of the two allows some individuals and communities to make use of opportunities and to organize for positive change. The absence of either isolates individuals from opportunity or makes them unable to take advantage of opportunities to which they are exposed.
             
              Racial Segregation and Poverty
              It is impossible to discuss urban poverty without discussing race. Black and Latino Americans are disproportionately poor. While 10. 6% of White Americans are poor, according to the U. S. Census, 24. 4% of Black Americans and 21. 5% of Latino Americans are poor. Wilson (1987) argues that the effects of living in economically isolated areas outweighed the effects of living in racially isolated areas for African-Americans. Isolation from employment opportunities and employed role models, he argues, has left poor black communities effectively shut off form participation in the economy. Further, he argues, negative stereotypes of poor minorities hinder the employment opportunities of all minorities from the same neighborhood.
              Massey counters that the limited mobility of African-Americans placed them at a significant disadvantage with respect to the effects of living in areas of concentrated disadvantage (Massey, Condran and Denton, 1987; Massey, 1996). Because of a history of housing discrimination, blacks are the most racially segregated group in the United States. As a result, when poverty rates rose during the 1970's and 1980's, due to structural changes in the economy, the brunt of that poverty was born in predominantly black neighborhoods. Second, because of increasing class segregation, the brunt of all unemployment was felt in neighborhoods that were both predominantly black and predominantly poor (Massey, 1996).
             
              The effects of concentrated poverty are magnified in minority children. Black and Latinos are more likely to live in predominantly poor areas. As a result, 30% of all Latino and 40% of all Black children attend schools that are between 70% and 100% poor while 6% of white children attend schools that are more than 70% poor (Center for Cities and Schools).
              The effects of being educated in schools that are both racially and economically segregated are overwhelmingly negative. Children in racially and segregated schools tend to have worse educational outcomes than other students and are more likely to be suspended or expelled or to drop out before graduation. Failure to complete school contributes to a lifelong lack of human capital (Coleman, 1988) both for the individual and his or her community. The result is that urban neighborhoods that are both high-minority and high-poverty are populated by individuals who are not prepared educationally to compete in our knowledge-based economy.
             
              Urban enclaves of poverty are limited in their economic growth because individuals in the community suffer from lack of human capital in the form of education and socialization that would allow them to compete in the mainstream American economy. Furthermore, it has been posited, and challenged, that these communities suffer from a lack of social capital.
             
              Social Capital and the Individual
              While close ties sustain us, the ties that lead to economic change are the loosest ones. It is the individuals on the very periphery of our personal networks who have access to information or opportunity that we could not otherwise have known about. Lack of access to bridging social capital, social connections to resources outside of the immediate community, may hinder the efforts of residents of enclaves of poverty (Granovetter, 1983; Williams, 2001; Woolcock & Narayan, 2000).
             
              Woolcock and Narayan distinguish between bonding social capital, which is based on networks of peers and which the poor can leverage to "get by" and bridging social capital, connections of the non-poor that they can use to "get ahead" (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Granovetter has argued that economic development takes place when individuals draw first on their close relationships and then participate in the networks that transcend their community, thereby accessing information and resources not immediately available in their network (Granovetter, 1983, 1995). Residents of enclaves in which few members work are isolated from employment opportunities leading to continued joblessness in the community. Because of the isolation of urban enclaves of poverty, weak ties are few.
             
              Neighborhoods of Concentrated Disadvantage
              In developing nations, poverty is often geographically bounded, rooted in locations that are poor in resources. In the United States, poverty exists in close proximity to wealth and abundant resources. As a result, poverty is viewed as an individual failure and often blamed on lack of industriousness or poor values and attitudes (Jones & Luo, 1999; Seccombe, 2000). In our cities, poverty tends to concentrate in areas of concentrated disadvantage. Massey (1996) and Wilson (1987), among other sociologists, have argued that the twentieth century was characterized by increasing urbanization and increasing concentrations of the poor within the urban population. Furthermore, they argue that the affluent and the non-affluent have become more segregated geographically. Wilson ties these areas of concentrated poverty to high levels of joblessness, social disorganization and crime. Some researchers have posited that areas where the poor are concentrated, and where disorganization and decay are evident, come to embody characteristics that encourage poverty among their residents.
             
              Neighborhoods have been examined both as social networks where geographical proximity creates interpersonal ties and as geographical areas in which elements of human capital such as income and education can be measured, and finally as ecologies where the presence of resources, such as health care providers and schools and the presence of challenges such as crime can be quantified.
              In 1969, Moynihan accused neighborhoods with large numbers of minorities and people living in poverty of fostering pathological family structures which through absentee fathers and reduced opportunities led to increased crime and decreased participation in the workforce (Moynihan, 1965). Moynihan argued that housing segregation forced all African-Americans to live in close proximity to poverty, whether or not they were poor leading to negative outcomes for all African-Americans.
             
              Moynihan's analysis was widely dismisses as racist. However, 20 years later, Wilson revived the conversation, arguing that certain neighborhoods isolated individuals from economic opportunity while breeding a culture of disassociation from work and furthermore that African-Americans were disproportionately represented in these areas. More recently, McWhorter responded that these areas bred cultures of hostility and deliberate segregation from mainstream America that excluded residents from economic possibilities (McWhorter, 2005)
              In the 1960's and 70's, and again in mid to late 1990's, the neighborhood was examined as a significant area of analysis in social research aimed at determining what characteristics of an environment made a place more or less healthy to live in, particularly for young people (Sampson, R. J. et al, 2002). In this context, the neighborhood has been examined as ecology, providing resources and exerting social pressures.
             
              Neighborhood research in the late 1990's was inspired partly by William Julius Wilson's (1987) work in which he contended that the structural elements of the neighborhood, particularly the geographical and social isolation of the poor, served to perpetuate poverty and joblessness (Sampson, R. J. et al, 2002). As such, research on neighborhood effects has tended to focus on concentrations of poverty and the concomitant behaviors and problems that accompany it, including increased school dropout, crime and problems of mental and physical health.
              Neighborhood research is limited by ambiguity in defining a neighborhood and lack of quantitative data by neighborhood. Most studies have use census tracts as proxies for neighborhood because of the availability of demographic data and police precincts in the case of data pertaining to crime (Robert J Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002). However research has indicated that natural boundaries such as busy streets are more significant in determining racial makeup and social interaction in a community (Grannis, 1998). Thus census tract data which does not comply to the ways the residents understand their neighborhoods may understate the level of economic and racial segregation that urban residents experience.
             
              Since the 1970's, America's poverty has become more concentrated in the inner city, particularly among African-Americans and Latinos. (Massey, 1996; Massey & Eggers, 1990; Wilson, 1987) In 1970, 55% of central-city poor people lived in a neighborhood that was poor (where 20% of the population is poor) or very poor (one in which 40% of the population is poor). By 1990, the concentrations of poor individuals in poor neighborhoods had increased such that 69% of all central-city poor people lived in poor or very poor neighborhoods (Massey, 1996). This concentration is caused by the congregation of poor people in urban areas and the limitations on their mobility caused by economic limitations and racial segregation ((Massey, 1996).
             
              The effects of these communities on the residents are not only attributable to lack of money, but also to a web of social and ecological factors that are present in these communities. These factors include racially and economically isolated schools, over-representation of single-parent families and over-representation of jobless adults.
             
              Neighborhood Disorganization and Crime
              Neighborhoods that house significant numbers of poor and minorities are often perceived as being higher in crime and higher in markers of "disorganization". Several researchers have looked at the interrelationships between urban settings, poverty, crime and disorganization, exemplified by disordered behavior, such as public drinking or loitering, or disorganized physical landscapes including graffiti, dilapidated or abandoned housing and litter. These neighborhoods are typically compared to rural communities where income ranges are small, and communities are characterized by quiet, high levels of social contact between community members and lower rates of crime. Comparisons to suburban areas and enclaves of affluence are limited.
             
              Disorder can be seen as resulting form systemic factors. For example, lack of economic resources makes it difficult for a community to maintain public spaces, difficulty supporting local businesses leads to vacant storefronts, and concentrations of children and young people in single-parent families leads to challenges in providing adequate childcare and contributes to the appearance of young people in the streets.
             
              Disorder can also be seen as resulting from lack of agency on the part of the areas residents. Residents may lack the trust necessary to engage their neighbors, may lack confidence in their own efficacy to change the characteristics of their neighborhood. In this sense order can be seen as the ability of neighbors to organize to achieve shared public ends and to exert social control, that is the capacity of a social group to regulate itself according to shared principles and to realize shared goals (Robert J. Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999). In this sense, the physical appearance of these disadvantaged communities may be neither cause nor effect of the economic situation of its inhabitants, but a symptom of the same underlying alienation (Geis & Ross, 1998).
             
              Wilson and Kelling posit that public disorder encouraged crime by indicating that community members were indifferent to what happened in their neighborhood and unlikely to intervene or call police (Wilson and Kelling, 1982) while Massey (1996) contends that disorganization and violent crime are results of conditions of concentrated poverty.
             
              More simply, crimes of property may be the result of disparate economic failure, while violence may be the result of the psychological stress imposed by lack of resources and lack of personal efficacy.
              Although a symptom of the communities' challenges, decay and crime serve again to perpetuate them. The physical appearance and crime statistics associated with neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage actively discourage the entry of the middle class and therefore perpetuate the isolation of the residents, compound the effects of racially and economically segregated schools and hinder the formation of the type of social capital that leads to economic success.
             
              Conclusion
              No one factor explains all of the failures -- economic, infrastructure, and interpersonal - with which urban enclaves of poverty are associated. Instead, each perpetuates the others, reinforcing the lack of human and social capital that prevent the residents form participating successfully in the economic and social spheres.
              Furthermore, they perpetuate the conditions in the young, limiting their educational prospects, exposing them early to the stress of poverty and crime, and limiting their access to social capital. Thus, these ecologies encourage the perpetuation of poverty through generations.
Poverty Essay 
-1
Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. The American Journal of Sociology, 94, S95-S120.
Geis, K., & Ross, C. (1998). A new look at urban alienation: The effect of neighborhood disorder on perceived powerlessness. Social Psychology Quarterly, 61(3), 232-246.
Grannis, R. (1998). The importance of trivial streets: Residential streets and residential segregation. American Journal of Sociology, 103(6), 1530-1564.
Granovetter, M. (1983). The strength of weak ties: A network theory revisited. Sociological Theory, 1, 201-233.
Granovetter, M. (1995). The economic sociology of firms and entrepreneurs. In A. Portes (Ed.), The economic sociology of immigration: Essays on netowrks, ethnicity, and entrepreneurship. New York: Russel Sage Foundation.
Jones, R. K., & Luo, Y. (1999). The culture of poverty and African-American culture. Sociological Perspectives, 42(3), 439-458.
Massey, D. S. (1996). The age of extremes: Concentrated affluence and poverty in the twenty-first century. Demography, 33(4), 395-412.
Massey, D. S., & Eggers, M. L. (1990). The ecology of inequality: Minorities and the concentration of poverty, 1970-1980. The American Journal of Sociology, 95(5), 1153-1189.
McWhorter, J. (2005). Winning the race: Beyond the crisis in black America. New York: Penguin.
Moynihan, D. P. (1965). The negro family: The case for national action: U.S. Department of Labor.
Sampson, R. J., Morenoff, J. D., & Gannon-Rowley, T. (2002). Assessing "neighborhood effects": Social processes and new directions in research. Annual Review of Sociology, 28, 443-478.
Sampson, R. J., & Raudenbush, S. W. (1999). Systematic social observation of public spaces: A new look at disorder in urban neighborhoods. American Journal of Sociology, 105(3), 603-651.
Seccombe, K. (2000). Families in poverty in the 1990s: Trends, causes, consequences and lessons learned. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 62(4), 1094-1113.
Tanner, M. (1996). The end of welfare: Fighting poverty in the civil society. Washington, D. C.: Cato Institute.
Williams, R. (2001). New barriers (and potential new opportunities) for small minority business in the new economy. Community Enterprise Technical Assistance Collaborative.
Wilson, W. J. (1987). The truly disadvantaged : The inner city, the underclass, and public policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Woolcock, M., & Narayan, D. (2000). Social capital: Implications for development theory, research and policy. The World Bank Research Observer, 15(2), 225-249.
Tip: Use our Essay Rewriter to rewrite this essay and remove plagiarism.
Next Poverty Essay: Causes Of Poverty

Add Notes

Have suggestions, comments or ideas? Please share below. Don't forget to tag a friend or classmate.
clear
Formatting Help
Submit