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Since the foundation of the United States, governmental agencies and policies largely disregard women. Classifying them without equal rights to fellow citizens and personal autonomy over their own bodies, women struggle to find a means of true empowerment. Over time, the facets of attempted empowerment changed; yet, various outlets of protest remained the same. In the quest for equal access and representation, women produced documents such as the "Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States" in 1876 and the modern "Women's Empowerment Principles" sponsored by UN Women. These documents list expectations for society about treatment of women and call women to boldly uphold these standards. However, reaching empowerment and equal access for women with purposeful documents such as the Declaration of 1876 and UN Women's empowerment list is impossible with the stronger social counter current that constantly redefines feminism and empowerment. To begin understanding the fluidity of the term "empowerment" in the modern dialogue surrounding feminism, one must first look to the evolution of the word. The Oxford English Dictionary defines empowerment as "the fact or action of acquiring more control over one's life or circumstances through increased civil rights, independence, self-esteem, etc." ("Empowerment") Looking more closely at the etymology, the English language first applied empowerment to matters of government. The dictionary offers examples as early as 1651 that repeatedly refer to empowerment as legality or domestic affairs matter. However, empowerment's meaning shifted in 1970 as it applied to the civil rights movement for African American rights. The most modern instance the dictionary offers, though, discusses empowerment "for punk girls...creating such a re-inscription of femininity" ("Empowerment"). The expansion of this term is significant to an analysis of feminism's growth to accurately understand the audience of a given time's predisposition to the term and the consequent means by which women sought empowerment. This paper will observe a baseline of empowerment defined as the increasing of the spiritual, political, social or economic strength of individual women. To understand the modern change in the term empowerment, one must first look to the origins of women's empowerment in the United States. Women demonstrated the previous governmental definition of empowerment in the goals and purposes of feminist organizations in the nineteenth century. This time period made up the first wave of feminism with a focus on women's suffrage. At this time, women began to circulate their grievances toward the oppression they experienced through a few mediums. First, women could find empowerment through their works. Eglantyne Jebb founded the Save the Children Fund and "found a voice amidst gender and class constraints" (Boucher 247). She advocated that in their position women could use "voluntary action" to make a difference, imploring individual activism from every woman. Secondarily, women used writing as a platform for creating protest. Women such as Margaret Fuller wrote novels that depicted the status of women in society. One critic, Bell Gale Chevigny, commented on the goals of writers in her own novel deconstructing ideas about women as the inferior gender. She claims that these writings "helped women see themselves as defined by generations of tradition and present circumstances" (Chevigny 240) by binding together a group through education of heritage. Here, women took the first step towards self-autonomy by demanding cohesion and factual information for themselves by any medium they could manage. In this manner, writing empowered women to establish a unique identity platform. Writing acted as a method of empowerment for women again in 1876 as Fanny Raymond Ritter presented an essay for the Centennial Congress of the Association for the Advancement of Women. Petra Frasier comments that Ritter's work was "moving to a call for social justice, and ending with a challenge to change existing conditions for women" (Frasier). The writing called women to action to reach their goal of suffrage, the main objective of the feminist agenda in 1876, through a definite medium of empowerment. In the same year that Ritter published her essay calling women to action, another protest through writing occurred. The National Woman Suffrage Association released the "Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States" on July 4th, 1876, imitating the Declaration of Independence. The document begins by listing five basic rights of all human beings that the government did not recognize for women at the time. After demanding a list of five specific principles of equality, the women offered various articles of impeachment towards the patriarchal structures that ruled them. The purpose of this document demanded attention on the hundredth anniversary of the United States' independence for women's representation, but specifically sought to gain women's votes in the nation. As a protest, this functioned by annunciating society's flaw and a detailed description of how to satisfy the disgruntled women. Many protesters of this time period fashioned their protests in document form- the Declaration of Independence and the Declaration of Sentiments to name a few. Activists met in Seneca Falls in 1848 to produce the Declaration of Sentiments, highlighting women's legally inferior status and need for moral, economic, and political equality of women ("Declaration of Sentiments"). Though this declaration raised awareness of women's desire for more access, no tangible change in policy or movement occurred. Due to the previous examples of proclamation-style protest, the authors of the declaration of 1876 intended a similar outcome to the Declaration of Independence in 1776, yet achieved different results. Unfortunately, the culture surrounding the Declaration of Women's Rights created an unaccepting environment for the document. Taking the same model as the Declaration of Sentiments, the authors intended the declaration for a male audience, likely policy makers. Yet, despite the demands of women for voting power in both 1848 and 1876, law did not allow women the right to vote until much later. The nineteenth amendment granted everyone the right to vote regardless of sex in 1920, decades after the suffragette's protests. The time span between the protests and political action indicate ineffectiveness in the document protests that demanded immediate change in society. At the time of the policy shift, the majority of feminist protests came in political cartoons and drawings that depicted the flaws of lacking female representation in politics. For example, a popularly distributed postcard in 1915 showed suffragettes marching for voting rights and George Washington saying "Did I save my country for this!" in support of the women (HBG). Also in 1915, Life magazine published a drawing of a woman revising the Declaration of Independence to include women (Stahr). The more pleasurable and culturally relatable acts of protests like these pieces of media seemingly attracted more attention and altered the public view enough to produce a change for the protesters, most probably because the male audience could enjoy the visual and project their own pleasure onto it. However, the document protests of the Declaration of Rights of 1876 simply did not capture society's eye enough to impact their cause. The dominant narrative surrounding what news gains the most attention in the media fed a primarily male audience that did not care for documents written by women. The feminist outreach in the nineteenth and early twentieth century sought many of the same goals as modern feminists, shaping our current dialogue of gender equality. Granted the right to vote, women could now focus on equality in other aspects of society. The second wave of feminists demanded more education and career access for women, objectives current feminism still works towards. The third wave of feminism looked towards rejection of the communal objectives and instead acknowledged ambiguity and individuality. Today, analysists argue the early phases of fourth wave of feminism define our women's movements. However, there are striking differences between the first three waves of feminism and the current fourth. Primarily, feminism expanded to include protests for equality for everyone including racial, sexual, and economic equalities instead of focusing solely on the struggle for women. However, Martha Rampton, director of the Center for Gender Equity at Pacific University, states that the defining element of fourth wave feminism is the overwhelming timidity of our population to accept the word "feminism" at all. Feminism itself in the modern world became a taboo due to its "older connotations of radicalism" and "assumptions of a gender binary" that falsely deems feminism as a female-only issue (Rampton). While many avoid the term to see inclusive and gain more success, this does not stop the current feminist movements from occurring. One must understand the modern outlets of feminism to accurately analyze the growth of the feminist agenda and how empowerment shaped based on those actions. Most recently, feminism takes its form in two arenas. First, activists of gender equality physically gather together in protest for public attention. Events such as SlutWalks, a transnational movement of protest marches against rape culture and victim blaming, demonstrate male and female feminist solidarity in the United States. Other protest marches such as the March for Women's Lives and the Million Mom March give the cause traction by showing the nation of a high level of support and necessity for change. As protests, these physical demonstrations demand recognition from the nation that there is in fact a problem in order to start addressing. Perhaps the most common facet of modern feminism, though, lives on the internet. With the access to communicate and share stories of women internationally, many feminist movements occur online. For example, feminists can easily show support and circulate equality positive messages through the current hashtags. Hashtags such as #Freethenipple, #Oscarssowhite, and #ILookLikeAnEngineer call out the hypocrisy and lack of representation our culture in America continues to foster. Blogs and social media news sources such as ATTN: and Miss Representation also serve as on outlet for feminist thought to flourish and raise awareness. Though these methods of protest comprise much of the fourth wave's momentum, another organization revived the form from the Women's Declaration of 1876. The United Nations General Assembly created UN Women in July 2010. This group acts as the United Nations' entity for gender equality and empowerment of women. Shortly after their creation, the UN Women gathered to create a document demanding certain objectives from all citizens in nations around the world. This document, called the "Women's Empowerment Principles", looks similar to the previously discussed declaration. To begin, the document defines its understanding of empowerment as "the inclusion of women's talents, skills, experience and energies [through] intentional actions and deliberate policies" (UN Women). The document continues to outline seven principles for governments and corporations to adopt to empower women such as supporting gender-sensitive solutions, zero tolerance policies for violence and harassment, and establishing benchmarks that quantify the inclusion of women. Following each of the seven principles is a detailed list with descriptions of intent in bullet format. To clarify and make these solutions accessible, the next section of the document puts the principles into practice giving viable solutions to enact gender equality in each nation. The document even includes helpful appendices such as definitions of empowerment terms, measures of progress over time, and where feminism stands currently in facts and figures. As a protest, the Women's Empowerment Principles skillfully attempts success. The definitions at the beginning and end of the piece serve to hush debate and clarify the group's exact intents to avoid the confusion that often destroys and misconstrues protest. To further clarify the protest, the document lists principles with examples and possible actions to obtain the goals. While the level of detail in this document serves to make it more successful, though, it makes an unfortunate turn when it adopts the almost archaic form of proclamation. Looking to the Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States for example, noble intent does not result in tangible change. In 1876, despite other women identifying with the document, it lacked a complete call to action. Not until women came together in public demonstrations did the right to vote pass. Similarly, though the Women's Empowerment Principles lists actions the government and companies may take, women may not rely on these set systems to change first. The document addresses large organizations as the audience for this protest, failing to acknowledge the difficulty of maintaining accountability or instituting widespread equality change from the top down. As clearly as the Women's Empowerment Principles states its definition of empowerment, the common connotation of the word does not align. Much like Rampton's analysis on the negative associations with the word feminism, empowerment's definition regarding women changes fluidly. Though the UN Women believe governments and corporations may grant empowerment through policy, women seek empowerment individually through other methods. Feminists in eighties and nineties assigned this term to uneducated women in third world countries, suggesting need for revolution. Now, however, journalist Hadley Freeman argues that women find "empowerment" in everything. Magazines such as Cosmopolitan and Vogue advertise empowerment to women through fashion and consumerism. Reinforcing the notion that women may find purchasable empowerment, popular culture films like Sex and the City portray women singularly desiring beauty and merchandise as leading lady Carrie Bradshaw only wanted a large closet for her hard work. In this way, choice feminism and consumer feminism because synonymous. Hadley notes that now "if a woman does something of her own free will- whether it's pole-dancing or buying shoes- then it's a feminist act" (Hadley). The New York Times weighed in on this definition, claiming empowerment now is "About pleasure, not power" and is "tailored to insecurity and desire" (Tolentino). The triviality our nation associates with empowerment today does not allow for women to find any traction in power. Satisfaction of equality does not come through a purchase of any sort, and the idea that it could dilutes the feminist movement for empowerment as a whole. This dialogue about feminism in the modern world starkly contrasts the United Nation's notion of empowerment. Unfortunately, the Women's Empowerment Principle document will not be successful for two main reasons. First, the United Nations perhaps too far removed itself from the realistic debate about empowerment. The document calls for empowerment in the workplace but preaches to an audience cultured to believe that empowerment can be a frivolity. The document does not settle into the current conversation about feminism because the two simply cannot agree on its terms. The final reason the Women's Empowerment Principles will not result in change lies in the fact that this mode of protest does not flourish. Reading a document as opposed to physical demonstrating and supporting allows complacency and inaction for all supporters of feminism and empowerment. Falling into the same flaw as in 1876, the document needs a greater public impact through visual display or access to individual actions instead of relying on large mechanisms to change first. Since the beginnings of feminism, men and women worked together to devise the most effective means of instituting a change for equality. As one of the earlier attempts, The Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States addressed the rulers of the nation to demand universal suffrage and empower themselves. Taking on this form, the Women's Empowerment Principles from UN Women proposed ways for large organizations to allow for gender equality. Unfortunately, the document does not account for the dilution of empowerment's meaning in modern feminists lives' nor does it offer realistic means of change. In the future, perhaps fourth wave feminists seeking empowerment could look to the successful methods of earlier activists. The visuals provided by suffragettes in the media raised popular awareness through purposeful entertainment, something easily adoptable in our media-rich culture. Furthermore, women need to take action on an individual basis, turning away from the liberation-through-sexualization and consumerist brand of feminism that sexist ideas and pseudo-feminist icons feed them.
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Empowerment in the Modern Day Feminism and Empowerment
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Empowerment In The Modern Day Feminism And Empowerment

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              Since the foundation of the United States, governmental agencies and policies largely disregard women. Classifying them without equal rights to fellow citizens and personal autonomy over their own bodies, women struggle to find a means of true empowerment. Over time, the facets of attempted empowerment changed; yet, various outlets of protest remained the same. In the quest for equal access and representation, women produced documents such as the "Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States" in 1876 and the modern "Women's Empowerment Principles" sponsored by UN Women. These documents list expectations for society about treatment of women and call women to boldly uphold these standards. However, reaching empowerment and equal access for women with purposeful documents such as the Declaration of 1876 and UN Women's empowerment list is impossible with the stronger social counter current that constantly redefines feminism and empowerment.
             
              To begin understanding the fluidity of the term "empowerment" in the modern dialogue surrounding feminism, one must first look to the evolution of the word. The Oxford English Dictionary defines empowerment as "the fact or action of acquiring more control over one's life or circumstances through increased civil rights, independence, self-esteem, etc. " ("Empowerment") Looking more closely at the etymology, the English language first applied empowerment to matters of government. The dictionary offers examples as early as 1651 that repeatedly refer to empowerment as legality or domestic affairs matter. However, empowerment's meaning shifted in 1970 as it applied to the civil rights movement for African American rights. The most modern instance the dictionary offers, though, discusses empowerment "for punk girls. . . creating such a re-inscription of femininity" ("Empowerment"). The expansion of this term is significant to an analysis of feminism's growth to accurately understand the audience of a given time's predisposition to the term and the consequent means by which women sought empowerment. This paper will observe a baseline of empowerment defined as the increasing of the spiritual, political, social or economic strength of individual women.
             
              To understand the modern change in the term empowerment, one must first look to the origins of women's empowerment in the United States. Women demonstrated the previous governmental definition of empowerment in the goals and purposes of feminist organizations in the nineteenth century. This time period made up the first wave of feminism with a focus on women's suffrage. At this time, women began to circulate their grievances toward the oppression they experienced through a few mediums. First, women could find empowerment through their works. Eglantyne Jebb founded the Save the Children Fund and "found a voice amidst gender and class constraints" (Boucher 247). She advocated that in their position women could use "voluntary action" to make a difference, imploring individual activism from every woman. Secondarily, women used writing as a platform for creating protest. Women such as Margaret Fuller wrote novels that depicted the status of women in society. One critic, Bell Gale Chevigny, commented on the goals of writers in her own novel deconstructing ideas about women as the inferior gender. She claims that these writings "helped women see themselves as defined by generations of tradition and present circumstances" (Chevigny 240) by binding together a group through education of heritage. Here, women took the first step towards self-autonomy by demanding cohesion and factual information for themselves by any medium they could manage. In this manner, writing empowered women to establish a unique identity platform. Writing acted as a method of empowerment for women again in 1876 as Fanny Raymond Ritter presented an essay for the Centennial Congress of the Association for the Advancement of Women. Petra Frasier comments that Ritter's work was "moving to a call for social justice, and ending with a challenge to change existing conditions for women" (Frasier). The writing called women to action to reach their goal of suffrage, the main objective of the feminist agenda in 1876, through a definite medium of empowerment.
             
              In the same year that Ritter published her essay calling women to action, another protest through writing occurred. The National Woman Suffrage Association released the "Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States" on July 4th, 1876, imitating the Declaration of Independence. The document begins by listing five basic rights of all human beings that the government did not recognize for women at the time. After demanding a list of five specific principles of equality, the women offered various articles of impeachment towards the patriarchal structures that ruled them. The purpose of this document demanded attention on the hundredth anniversary of the United States' independence for women's representation, but specifically sought to gain women's votes in the nation. As a protest, this functioned by annunciating society's flaw and a detailed description of how to satisfy the disgruntled women. Many protesters of this time period fashioned their protests in document form- the Declaration of Independence and the Declaration of Sentiments to name a few. Activists met in Seneca Falls in 1848 to produce the Declaration of Sentiments, highlighting women's legally inferior status and need for moral, economic, and political equality of women ("Declaration of Sentiments"). Though this declaration raised awareness of women's desire for more access, no tangible change in policy or movement occurred. Due to the previous examples of proclamation-style protest, the authors of the declaration of 1876 intended a similar outcome to the Declaration of Independence in 1776, yet achieved different results.
             
              Unfortunately, the culture surrounding the Declaration of Women's Rights created an unaccepting environment for the document. Taking the same model as the Declaration of Sentiments, the authors intended the declaration for a male audience, likely policy makers. Yet, despite the demands of women for voting power in both 1848 and 1876, law did not allow women the right to vote until much later. The nineteenth amendment granted everyone the right to vote regardless of sex in 1920, decades after the suffragette's protests. The time span between the protests and political action indicate ineffectiveness in the document protests that demanded immediate change in society. At the time of the policy shift, the majority of feminist protests came in political cartoons and drawings that depicted the flaws of lacking female representation in politics. For example, a popularly distributed postcard in 1915 showed suffragettes marching for voting rights and George Washington saying "Did I save my country for this! " in support of the women (HBG). Also in 1915, Life magazine published a drawing of a woman revising the Declaration of Independence to include women (Stahr). The more pleasurable and culturally relatable acts of protests like these pieces of media seemingly attracted more attention and altered the public view enough to produce a change for the protesters, most probably because the male audience could enjoy the visual and project their own pleasure onto it. However, the document protests of the Declaration of Rights of 1876 simply did not capture society's eye enough to impact their cause. The dominant narrative surrounding what news gains the most attention in the media fed a primarily male audience that did not care for documents written by women.
             
              The feminist outreach in the nineteenth and early twentieth century sought many of the same goals as modern feminists, shaping our current dialogue of gender equality. Granted the right to vote, women could now focus on equality in other aspects of society. The second wave of feminists demanded more education and career access for women, objectives current feminism still works towards. The third wave of feminism looked towards rejection of the communal objectives and instead acknowledged ambiguity and individuality. Today, analysists argue the early phases of fourth wave of feminism define our women's movements. However, there are striking differences between the first three waves of feminism and the current fourth. Primarily, feminism expanded to include protests for equality for everyone including racial, sexual, and economic equalities instead of focusing solely on the struggle for women. However, Martha Rampton, director of the Center for Gender Equity at Pacific University, states that the defining element of fourth wave feminism is the overwhelming timidity of our population to accept the word "feminism" at all. Feminism itself in the modern world became a taboo due to its "older connotations of radicalism" and "assumptions of a gender binary" that falsely deems feminism as a female-only issue (Rampton). While many avoid the term to see inclusive and gain more success, this does not stop the current feminist movements from occurring.
             
              One must understand the modern outlets of feminism to accurately analyze the growth of the feminist agenda and how empowerment shaped based on those actions. Most recently, feminism takes its form in two arenas. First, activists of gender equality physically gather together in protest for public attention. Events such as SlutWalks, a transnational movement of protest marches against rape culture and victim blaming, demonstrate male and female feminist solidarity in the United States. Other protest marches such as the March for Women's Lives and the Million Mom March give the cause traction by showing the nation of a high level of support and necessity for change. As protests, these physical demonstrations demand recognition from the nation that there is in fact a problem in order to start addressing. Perhaps the most common facet of modern feminism, though, lives on the internet. With the access to communicate and share stories of women internationally, many feminist movements occur online. For example, feminists can easily show support and circulate equality positive messages through the current hashtags. Hashtags such as #Freethenipple, #Oscarssowhite, and #ILookLikeAnEngineer call out the hypocrisy and lack of representation our culture in America continues to foster. Blogs and social media news sources such as ATTN: and Miss Representation also serve as on outlet for feminist thought to flourish and raise awareness.
             
              Though these methods of protest comprise much of the fourth wave's momentum, another organization revived the form from the Women's Declaration of 1876. The United Nations General Assembly created UN Women in July 2010. This group acts as the United Nations' entity for gender equality and empowerment of women. Shortly after their creation, the UN Women gathered to create a document demanding certain objectives from all citizens in nations around the world. This document, called the "Women's Empowerment Principles", looks similar to the previously discussed declaration. To begin, the document defines its understanding of empowerment as "the inclusion of women's talents, skills, experience and energies [through] intentional actions and deliberate policies" (UN Women). The document continues to outline seven principles for governments and corporations to adopt to empower women such as supporting gender-sensitive solutions, zero tolerance policies for violence and harassment, and establishing benchmarks that quantify the inclusion of women. Following each of the seven principles is a detailed list with descriptions of intent in bullet format. To clarify and make these solutions accessible, the next section of the document puts the principles into practice giving viable solutions to enact gender equality in each nation. The document even includes helpful appendices such as definitions of empowerment terms, measures of progress over time, and where feminism stands currently in facts and figures.
             
              As a protest, the Women's Empowerment Principles skillfully attempts success. The definitions at the beginning and end of the piece serve to hush debate and clarify the group's exact intents to avoid the confusion that often destroys and misconstrues protest. To further clarify the protest, the document lists principles with examples and possible actions to obtain the goals. While the level of detail in this document serves to make it more successful, though, it makes an unfortunate turn when it adopts the almost archaic form of proclamation. Looking to the Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States for example, noble intent does not result in tangible change. In 1876, despite other women identifying with the document, it lacked a complete call to action. Not until women came together in public demonstrations did the right to vote pass. Similarly, though the Women's Empowerment Principles lists actions the government and companies may take, women may not rely on these set systems to change first. The document addresses large organizations as the audience for this protest, failing to acknowledge the difficulty of maintaining accountability or instituting widespread equality change from the top down.
             
              As clearly as the Women's Empowerment Principles states its definition of empowerment, the common connotation of the word does not align. Much like Rampton's analysis on the negative associations with the word feminism, empowerment's definition regarding women changes fluidly. Though the UN Women believe governments and corporations may grant empowerment through policy, women seek empowerment individually through other methods. Feminists in eighties and nineties assigned this term to uneducated women in third world countries, suggesting need for revolution. Now, however, journalist Hadley Freeman argues that women find "empowerment" in everything. Magazines such as Cosmopolitan and Vogue advertise empowerment to women through fashion and consumerism. Reinforcing the notion that women may find purchasable empowerment, popular culture films like Sex and the City portray women singularly desiring beauty and merchandise as leading lady Carrie Bradshaw only wanted a large closet for her hard work. In this way, choice feminism and consumer feminism because synonymous. Hadley notes that now "if a woman does something of her own free will- whether it's pole-dancing or buying shoes- then it's a feminist act" (Hadley). The New York Times weighed in on this definition, claiming empowerment now is "About pleasure, not power" and is "tailored to insecurity and desire" (Tolentino). The triviality our nation associates with empowerment today does not allow for women to find any traction in power. Satisfaction of equality does not come through a purchase of any sort, and the idea that it could dilutes the feminist movement for empowerment as a whole.
             
              This dialogue about feminism in the modern world starkly contrasts the United Nation's notion of empowerment. Unfortunately, the Women's Empowerment Principle document will not be successful for two main reasons. First, the United Nations perhaps too far removed itself from the realistic debate about empowerment. The document calls for empowerment in the workplace but preaches to an audience cultured to believe that empowerment can be a frivolity. The document does not settle into the current conversation about feminism because the two simply cannot agree on its terms. The final reason the Women's Empowerment Principles will not result in change lies in the fact that this mode of protest does not flourish. Reading a document as opposed to physical demonstrating and supporting allows complacency and inaction for all supporters of feminism and empowerment. Falling into the same flaw as in 1876, the document needs a greater public impact through visual display or access to individual actions instead of relying on large mechanisms to change first.
             
              Since the beginnings of feminism, men and women worked together to devise the most effective means of instituting a change for equality. As one of the earlier attempts, The Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States addressed the rulers of the nation to demand universal suffrage and empower themselves. Taking on this form, the Women's Empowerment Principles from UN Women proposed ways for large organizations to allow for gender equality. Unfortunately, the document does not account for the dilution of empowerment's meaning in modern feminists lives' nor does it offer realistic means of change. In the future, perhaps fourth wave feminists seeking empowerment could look to the successful methods of earlier activists. The visuals provided by suffragettes in the media raised popular awareness through purposeful entertainment, something easily adoptable in our media-rich culture. Furthermore, women need to take action on an individual basis, turning away from the liberation-through-sexualization and consumerist brand of feminism that sexist ideas and pseudo-feminist icons feed them.
Women Empowerment Essay 
Boucher, Ellen. Rev. of Feminism and Voluntary Action: Eglantyne Jebb and Save the Children Fund, 1876-1928, by Linda Mahood. Twentieth Century History 12 April 2010: 247-249. Web
.
Chevigny, Bell Gale. The Woman and the Myth: Margaret Fuller's Life and Writings. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994. Web.
"Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States." The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. Ed. Ann D. Gordon. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2003. Web.

"Declaration of Sentiments" from Report of the Woman's Rights Convention, Held at Seneca Falls, New York July 19 and 20, 1848. Rochester: North Star Office, 1848. Web.

"Empowerment." The Oxford English Dictionary. 3rd ed. 2014. Web.

Frasier, Petra Meyer. "'Woman as Musician': American Feminism in 1876." Sonneck Society for American Music Bulletin. University of Colorado at Boulder, 1998. Web.

Freeman, Hadley. "From Shopping to Naked Selfies: How 'Empowerment' Lost its Meaning." The Guardian: Feminism. The Guardian, 19 April 2016. Web.

HBG, Did I Save My Country For This! ca. 1915. Postcard. National American Woman Suffrage Association Records, Library of Congress. Web.

Rampton, Martha. "Four Waves of Feminism." Pacific University Oregon. 25 Oct. 2015. Web.

Stahr, Paul. 1776-Retouching an Old Masterpiece-1915. 1915. Cover illustration. Life. Web.

Tolentino, Jia. "How 'Empowerment' Became Something for Women to Buy." First Words: New York Times. The New York Times Magazine, 12 April 2016. Web.

UN Women. Women's Empowerment Principles: Equality Means Business. Washington: United Nations Global Compact, 2011. Web.
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